Independence is a curious thing.
In its essence it should be easy enough to
define; the state of not being subordinated to another entity, whether that be
a bullying parent or a foreign occupier. In practice, it’s not by any means as
simple as that.
In his books, the late British environmentalist
and writer Gerald Durrell made a point: the life of a “free” wild animal is
actually anything but; it’s restricted by such things as the availability of
food, hiding places from predators, the imperative to find a mate, and furthermore
by such factors as territoriality, including a rival’s. Often, as Durrell
pointed out, a zoo enclosure would actually offer a captive animal more room
than it would get in the wild.
This, by the way, is just to make a point; I’m
not defending or opposing the existence of zoos in this article.
Where an individual human is concerned, of
course, the same things apply. Even if one goes off to the forest to be a
hermit in a cave, one had better be careful to ascertain that there’s enough
access to food and water to survive, and the cave isn’t so cold and damp that
the first winter will either kill one with pneumonia or drive one back to civilisation.
And, apart from that, one had better be ready to defend oneself against the
local bears or wolves, hyenas or leopards, as well as parasites of all
descriptions.
Doesn’t look much like “independence”, does it?
What if one sticks to civilisation? Unless one
is a multibillionaire, and therefore able to buy one’s own rules, one’s
imprisoned – that’s not too strong a word – by the need to make a living, pay
taxes, maintain the essentials of an endurable lifestyle, and the rest of it, even if one has no family or other
obligations.
For a nation, perhaps – surely – it could
be different? It could be – if the nation existed five or six hundred years
ago, had control of a large enough territory with enough arable land and
natural resources to be able to feed its population, and was isolated enough from
other nations not to require constant warfare to defend itself. That sort of
situation, obviously, isn’t viable today, unless a country wants to go the
North Korea route and seal itself off – as far as possible – from the rest of
the world.
So, in a very real term, independence is
not possible even at the level of a nation. But within those limits, can one
have some form of independence?
Yes, it is possible.
But for it to be possible, some things are
necessary.
And today, 15th August,
Independence Day for India, we have none of those things.
To be honest, there never was a true independent India. It merely
transited from a colony ruled by the British to a country ruled by “brown
sahibs” so closely modelled on the British (Nehru, India’s first prime
minister, even called himself the “last Englishman to rule India”) that British
laws, such as the ban on homosexuality, continue to be valid in India decades
after they were junked in Britain itself. The slavish emulation of Britain was
so complete that a political system that had, and has, no relevance to Indian
conditions – the British “Westminster” “democracy” - was imposed, lock, stock and barrel, and
continues though it has manifestly failed to perform as expected.
In other words, the first requirement for
independence – a leadership with no ties to the past, able to think along new
lines – was absent.
Then, as I have pointed out earlier, India never
really had to pay for its independence with blood in an armed struggle. Not
that there wasn’t an armed struggle – in fact, it continued in fits and starts
all the way from 1857 to 1945. But it never, at any time, received any kind of
political support from the putative “leaders” of the “independence movement”,
and it was never active outside the north of the country and parts of the east.
There was the so-called “nonviolent” struggle, but it, too, was a fake,
designed, as Slavoj Zizek says, to serve as a safety valve for pent-up passions
and not as a serious challenge to British authority. In fact, the alleged
leader of India’s freedom struggle, Mohandas Gandhi, can best be described as
an enabler of British colonial rule, who repeatedly withdrew agitations against
the occupiers just when they appeared to be giving results, and who promoted a
small coterie of “brown sahibs” like Nehru at the expense of other leaders,
thus ensuring a continuity of British rule by other hands, as I said.
This failure to pay for independence in
blood has had profound consequences. Not having paid in blood, Indians don’t
have an emotional attachment to the independence that they got when the British
left. And so, it became easy to tolerate the steady erosion of that
independence, and the creeping recolonisation of the country by the same
foreign interests which had enslaved it earlier; I’ll mention a bit more about
that in a moment.
This, then, is another thing that India
lacked – an emotional connection to independence, as a thing worth treasuring
and fighting to preserve.
The third thing India lacked was historical
memory. In fact, there’s no such thing as objective history in India these days.
What we have is a bowdlerised version, carefully sanitised to suit the tastes
of the government of the moment. And woe betide anyone who – like the American
historian Wendy Doniger – who happened to “hurt people’s sentiments” by their
writings. Obviously, this mythological history has nothing to do with facts.
Therefore people who don’t know what actually happened will ignore clear
historical analogies and warnings.
A fourth thing strongly lacking in India
was, and is, a national identity. Now, prior to the British colonisation, there
had been no “India.” There had been literally hundreds of kingdoms and principalities
of various sizes scattered throughout the subcontinent, all of which were based
on the feudal system of society. In fact, and this is crucial to understanding
just how India ever became a colony, it must be first accepted that India was feudal to the core. It’s only because it
was totally feudal, with the population owing allegiance to the patron of the
moment, that a miserable few thousand British civil servants and soldiers
controlled a subcontinent of three hundred million for a hundred and fifty
years. This feudalism made it easy for the British to rule. All they had to do
was subvert or replace the feudal chief, and the population was kept easily
under control.
Today, too, feudalism is alive and well,
though the source of patronage has – in India though not so much in Pakistan –
changed from the local landlord to the caste or tribal politician. In order to
promote the interests of the caste or tribe, the interests of the nation are
irrelevant. And since the structure of the tribe or caste is feudal, its
interests are synonymous with those at the top of the financial pyramid. At
this very moment, for instance, in this state, fascist tribal gangs are
agitating in favour of primitive coal mines which have ruined the environment
and were banned by the central government – even though the only ones
benefiting would be the owners of the coal mines, nobody else.
Bereft of a national identity – apart from
the crass flag-waving at cricket matches – it’s easy for practitioners of
divide-and-rule politics to set sectarian and tribal identities against each
other, and profit from the infighting that follows.
A very important fifth feature that Indians
at least no longer have is a social conscience. I’ve often talked about the
Great Indian Muddle Class, which morphed from the middle class back in the
early 1990s. The Great Indian Muddle Class, instead of having any sympathy for
the working classes from which it sprang, hates and despises them. Its only
aspiration is to the sort of lifestyle it sees in Hollywood films, and its only
interest is greed. If it gets its fancy gadgets, its shiny cars and its three
hundred TV channels, that’s all it really cares about.
I’ve often thought that if the US had
invaded India rather than Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s, it would
have had a cakewalk once the initial fighting was over. Except for scattered
groups of Maoists and other malcontents, not a single hand would have been
raised in resistance against the occupation.
Today being independence day, I got
inundated by those meaningless email forwards familiar to most Indians, about
India’s alleged accomplishments in days gone by. Never mind the fact that most
of these have long since been debunked. The fact is that a modern nation
shouldn’t have to look at things (allegedly) accomplished by ancestors a
thousand years ago to feel proud of itself.
If, that is, it has anything to be proud of
today. But does it?
Today, after almost seventy years of
freedom, this country still has one of the lowest human development indices in
the world. The economist Amartya Sen observed several years ago that there were
now two Indias, a “first world” one of the ultra-rich, and one which is far
below sub-Saharan Africa in development. And there’s not even the slightest
feeling of national shame about this. The Muddle Class person, in fact, has a
smug feeling when looking at the poor, and gloats over how far he has come. The
very flags his children wave on Independence Day are more often than not
purchased from other kids selling them on the streets. And that is supposed to
be independence.
There’s this old saying: “Fool me once,
shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.” The British colonists first came as
traders, and set up “factories” (trading posts) which they then fortified to
protect their trading interests. As these “trading interests” grew, they
increasingly began interfering in local politics, set up their own mercenary
armies (three of them, based around Calcutta, Bombay and Madras), and fought
wars to expand their markets and influence. To finance this they borrowed from
the moneylenders of Calcutta, who therefore immediately had a financial stake
in the continued military and economic success of the new white overlords.
Right to the end of British rule, the financial top layer of the country was emphatically
pro-British.
Today, it’s “common wisdom” that the future
of the country lies with foreign-owned multinationals, which have to be enticed
to invest their funds by making things easy for them by any and all means
possible. The laws of the land – environmental and labour, to start with – have
to be diluted or done away with altogether to suit them. The “investment
climate” has to be made “favourable” by any and all means possible, including
bending the nation’s foreign policy towards the home countries of these
multinational corporations. And once they’re here, of course, they have to be
enticed to remain. If they withdrew their investment, it would be a disaster,
and other future investors might be deterred as well.
Is this
independence?
And the crowning irony? Those who support
this policy of surrender to foreign capital are by no means ashamed; they agitate
to be rewarded with awards and adulation. They are proud. They claim to be patriots.
And the rest of us, the miserable
environmentalists, political leftists, labour rights activists and anyone else
with a conscience? We’re called traitors in the pay of China, or similar
charming epithets.
Pardon me if I am a bit doubtful about this
kind of independence.
And, of course, Happy In Dependence Day to
everyone.
The child is charming. The article is sobering.
ReplyDeleteYes, Bill. It's the shamelessness of it all that is most discouraging. The stealing, destruction of our environment, culture, spirit, outright murder - it's all out there for all to see. And we're supposed to salute! Tough to keep one's spirits up but necessary all the same.
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